Spitzer Again

Well, this totally sucks for the state of New York. So much for political reform.

I like Spitzer a lot. But I don’t see how he survives this. Not when the Democrats are ONE SEAT away from taking control of the state senate for the first time in more than 40 years and kicking the awful Joe Bruno out of power.

I agree with Homer. We all do stupid things. The body doesn’t have enough blood to control the dick and the brain at the same time. Spitzer took a risk, and he got caught. Unfortunately, (1) this isn’t the 1950s, where the press will keep these things hush-hush; and (2) it was a prostitute (illegal), not just adultery (legal). Regardless of whether prostitution should be legal or not, the former attorney general flouted the law.

Anyway, I wonder what this means for gays’ right to marry. Spitzer is a strong supporter of marriage equality. I hope David Paterson is, too. Not that it will matter if the Democrats don’t take back the senate.

Obama v. Clinton on Gays II

I’m actually getting tired of the “who’s better for the gays” debate on Obama and Clinton. I think they’re actually pretty similar when it comes to gay rights.

There’s an interview in the Blade today with Hillary about gay rights. While Obama thinks DOMA should be completely repealed, Hillary isn’t ready to repeal the section that allows states to ignore what other states say about gay marriage.

Ideally, DOMA should be completely repealed. But I do understand Hillary’s support for keeping the part about state recognition, for now. That section of the law does keep some people from supporting the FMA, because they say that as long as states can do what they want, there’s no need for an amendment banning same-sex marriage nationwide. (Same-sex-marriage states can’t “infect” other states, if one were to put it in so unfortunate a manner.) We don’t live in an ideal world.

Also, as I’ve pointed out before, even though same-sex marriage is an issue that’s very important to me personally, there are so many issues that are more important and will affect many more people, such as health care, foreign policy, and a president’s general ability to lead and/or get things done. Same-sex marriage seems fated to remain a state-by-state issue for the foreseeable future.

Some people talk about Bill Clinton’s signing of DOMA in 1996 and say that it wasn’t his idea, that it was forced on him by the Republicans. It’s true that it wasn’t his idea; but he was safely ahead in the 1996 election (which he wound up winning by 9 points) and he didn’t have to sign it. Unfortunately, this was at the beginning of his triangulation-and-Dick-Morris era. He spent no political capital protecting us.

DOMA might very well be the only thing preventing a constitutional amendment against same-sex marriage right now, but I’ll always be peeved at Bill for signing it.

Kristol Begins

Bill Kristol’s first column for the New York Times — which runs in tomorrow’s paper — shows that he at least has a sense of humor.

We don’t want to increase the scope of the nanny state, we don’t want to undo the good done by the appointments of John Roberts and Samuel Alito to the Supreme Court, and we really don’t want to snatch defeat out of the jaws of victory in Iraq.

Oh. You mean he was being serious?

[Mike Huckabee] began by calmly mentioning his and Obama’s contrasting views on issues from guns to life to same-sex marriage. This served to remind Republicans that these contrasts have been central to G.O.P. success over the last quarter-century, and to suggest that Huckabee could credibly and comfortably make the socially conservative case in an electorally advantageous way.

So Kristol advocates running on the wedge issues. Not only is he ideologically blinkered — he also supports cynical politics. Does he have any redeeming qualities as a thinker?

Greenwald on Vitter & Craig

In comparing Republican reactions to the Larry Craig and David Vitter scandals, Glenn Greenwald makes a great point, one that has been made many times but bears repeating.

The only kind of “morality” that this [right-wing] movement knows or embraces is politically exploitative, cost-free morality. That is why the national Republican Party rails endlessly against homosexuality and is virtually mute about divorce and adultery: because anti-gay moralism costs virtually all of its supporters nothing (since that is a moral prohibition that does not constrain them), while heterosexual moral deviations — from divorce to adultery to sex outside of marriage — are rampant among the Values Voters faithful and thus removed from the realm of condemnation. Hence we have scads of people sitting around opposing same-sex marriage because of their professed belief in “Traditional Marriage” while their “third husbands” and multiple step-children and live-in girlfriends sit next to them on the couch.

They’re all willing to cheer on the “rules of traditional marriage” which do not impose on them in any way (marriage must have a man and a woman — no problem there). But no “Family Values” politician could possibly survive politically by seeking to enshrine with the force of law all of the other equally important prongs of “Traditional Marriage” (all of that dreary, outdated “until death do us part” business which would deny the “right” for Values Voters to dump their wives and move on to the “next wife” when the mood strikes, or remain shacked up with their various girlfriends and the like).

In other words, it’s always easy to demonize The Other.

Kushner/Harris on Gay Marriage

Playwright Tony Kushner and his partner Mark Harris have a letter in today’s New York Times (full text below) in response to David Blankenhorn, who was featured in an article over the weekend as a self-described liberal who opposes same-sex marriage.

First, an excerpt from the article about Blankenhorn:

Mr. Blankenhorn readily admits that the “deinstitutionalization” of marriage that he fears — the redefinition of what he considers the nation’s “most pro-child institution” as a private adult relationship stripped of public meaning — has been under way for a long time. Deeply rooted in American individualism and the quest for self-fulfillment, that redefinition “has been growing for decades, propagated overwhelmingly by heterosexuals.” Same-sex marriage only further erodes marriage as a pro-child institution, he believes.

When I read that on Saturday I got steamed.

Here’s Kushner and Harris’s letter in full, since it’s behind the Times paywall:

To the Editor:

Re “A Liberal Explains His Rejection of Same-Sex Marriage,” by Peter Steinfels (Beliefs column, June 23):

If there’s anything liberal in David Blankenhorn’s arguments against same-sex marriage, it went right by us. His opposition to same-sex marriage rests upon two familiar conservative notions: the view that interventive “protection” rather than encouragement is the best way to bolster the presumably threatened institution of marriage (the same foundation on which conservatives stood decades ago when they opposed racial intermarriage); and the idea that gay marriage is insufficiently “pro-child” to merit legitimation.

Significantly, Mr. Blankenhorn does not extend this second argument, which insults so many gay parents, to childless heterosexual couples. The basis of the discrimination he advocates, in other words, is homosexuality.

“Liberal” Mr. Blankenhorn reassures us that he isn’t a bigot and proposes an “interesting new conversation” in which same-sex couples who want to marry can learn to stop misjudging the people who would deprive us of the legal protections heterosexuals enjoy.

But the solution to our disenfranchisement is not a more amiable conversation with those who seek to perpetuate it, whatever their self-justifying pieties.

We call ourselves married, but we’re not, legally, and we want to be. We’re fans of the Declaration of Independence, the 14th Amendment and Brown v. Board of Education, and we want equal treatment under the law.

Mark Harris
Tony Kushner
New York, June 23, 2007

Incidentally, here’s Harris’s and Kusher’s wedding announcement in the Times from 2003.

Passport Name Nixed

Two women get married in Massachusetts; one of them legally takes her spouse’s name under state law; three years later, her application for a U.S. passport is rejected because the federal government won’t recognize the name change.

So Amanda Lison will have to go to Probate Court to get the name change recognized by the federal government, even though her married name appears on her driver’s license and Social Security card. (How’d it get on her Social Security card?)

“A spokesman from the U.S. State Department in Washington, D.C., said same-sex couples seeking a passport under a married name can’t do so absent additional documentation, and that the government doesn’t recognize such name changes based solely on marriage certificates, as it does for heterosexual married couples.”

There’s been lots of focus in the last few years on state-recognized same-sex marriage. People forget that there are about 1,138 federal rights that DOMA bars to gay couples, no matter how enlightened their own state might be.

We’ve got a long way to go.

RI may recognize SSM

Okay, here’s a case where legally defining same-sex relationships as “marriages” instead of “civil unions” makes a difference. According to today’s NY Times:

The Rhode Island attorney general said Wednesday that same-sex marriages performed in Massachusetts, the sole state where they are legal, should be recognized in Rhode Island. …“This is about Rhode Island citizens who entered into a valid, legally recognized same-sex marriage and returned here to live and work,” [Rhode Island’s attorney general said]. “There is no way, no law, no constitutional provision and, in my estimation, no right to allow the denial of basic human rights.”

Here’s the full text of the attorney general’s letter. (Here’s the request that prompted the letter.) A legal opinion of the state’s attorney general has no legal force on its own, but it’s likely to be followed by state agencies nevertheless.

The letter mentions only same-sex marriage, which today is legal only in Massachusetts. It says nothing about civil unions. If the New Jersey legislature had just gone ahead and granted the M-word to New Jersey same-sex couples, their marriages could be recognized in Rhode Island, too. But it didn’t. So they can’t. It’s up in the air.

It could be argued that the New Jersey legislature didn’t follow the New Jersey Supreme Court’s order to create marriage equivalence for same-sex couples, because there will be no equivalence if those couples move to Rhode Island. This is an iffy argument, though, because it’s Rhode Island’s fault for not extending its recognition to other states’ civil unions as well as marriages. The right place to contest or try to expand the Rhode Island policy is Rhode Island. Also, this seems to come into effect only when a couple moves to Rhode Island, at which point the couple would, for the most part, be outside of New Jersey’s jurisdiction.

It’s possible, of course, that Rhode Island could extend its recognition to civil-unioned couples from other states. But the AG’s letter doesn’t say that.

So the point is driven home: there’s no status truly equivalent to marriage. There’s just marriage.

Marriage Litigation Strategy

New York Law School professor Arthur Leonard, a well-known expert in gay rights law, has written a GREAT post about the history of same-sex marriage litigation strategy. According to Leonard, when gay rights litigators put together the list of states in which they had the greatest likelihood of winning gay marriage cases, the three states at the top of the list were Vermont, Massachusetts and New Jersey – the three states where we’ve (essentially) won so far. Cases filed in other states after the 2004 San Francisco marriage fervor – such as “copycat litigation” in Washington and New York – have not succeeded.

Leonard’s point: “[T]he wins have come in cases resulting from careful planning and strategy, not part of a rush to litigate in response to popular community pressure… And perhaps [] there is some lesson in that for all of us in thinking about future test case litigation for the LGBT community.”

The post is a great read.

ESPA Press Release

Statement from Alan Van Cappelle, head of New York’s Empire State Pride Agenda:

This is a wonderful day for same-sex couples and their families in New Jersey. Very soon they will have access to the protections and responsibilities that all loving, committed couples need to take care of each other. We celebrate this decision with our lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) neighbors in New Jersey and look forward to the day when New York will take the same stand against discrimination and support marriage equality for our families.

As a result of today’s decision in New Jersey, New York falls even further behind its neighbors in protecting same-sex couples and their families. With the exception of Pennsylvania, every U.S. state and Canadian province bordering New York has passed some type of comprehensive measure to protect gay and lesbian families. Protections for our families in New York are woefully inadequate and we are being left out in the cold to fend for ourselves. It’s time for Albany to step up and start leading.

GSE Press Release

Press release from Garden State Equality:

Those who would view today’s Supreme Court ruling as a victory for same-sex couples are dead wrong. So help us God, New Jersey’s LGBTI community and our millions of straight allies will settle for nothing less than 100% marriage equality. Let decision makers from Morristown to Moorestown, from Maplewood to Maple Shade, recognize that fundamental fact right now.

So today, without missing a beat, Garden State Equality announces that Assemblyman Wilfredo Caraballo, the Assembly Speaker Pro Tem, joined by Assemblyman Brian Stack and Assemblyman Reed Gusciora, will introduce marriage-equality legislation. Thousands of us will now hit the streets, the phones and the hallways to get this legislation passed.

As the late Lt. Laurel Hester and too many other cases across New Jersey have shown, half-steps short of marriage — like New Jersey’s domestic-partnership law and also civil union laws — don’t work in the real world. Hospitals and other employers have told domestic-partnered couples across New Jersey: We don’t care what the domestic partnership law says. You’re not married.

That’s why it wouldn’t matter if the legislature added all the rights in the world to the current law without calling it marriage. Marriage is the only currency of commitment the real world universally understands and accepts.

We’re not seeking marriage merely for some moral, ethereal victory. We’re seeking marriage because New Jersey has proven that marriage is the only way a gay civil rights law will ever work in the real world…

As you’ve seen from Garden State Equality’s hundreds of events and thousands of e-mails over the past few years — a breathless pace of activity that’s not going to abate, so help us God — we never give up and we never give in to those who tell us no.

Hell no. Over our dead bodies will we settle for less than 100% marriage equality. The people of New Jersey wouldn’t want us to. According to the 2006 Zogby-Garden State Equality Poll, New Jersey favors marriage equality by 56% to 39%. Every other recent poll in New Jersey also shows a majority of voters favor marriage equality.

Don’t count gay marriage out in New Jersey. Its supporters are going to fight, and fight hard.

Lewis Analysis

This is a great day for gay couples in New Jersey. The state supreme court has granted them the right to marriage in all but name. The important thing to realize is that they have won full legal equality for their relationships. The action now moves to the state legislature, which has until April 25, 2007 to decide whether to call these relationships marriages, civil unions, or something else.

Here are some of the rights that gay couples in New Jersey will be able to receive as of next April 25, none of which they can receive now:

  • joint property ownership,
  • the right to employer-granted health insurance coverage for a spouse,
  • statutory leave for the purpose of caring for an ill spouse,
  • presumption of dual parentage to the non-biological parent of a child born to one partner (second-parent adoptions no longer necessary),
  • survivor benefits should a partner die,
  • tax deductions for spousal medical expenses,
  • the right not to testify against one’s spouse in court,

and tons of others. All the rights that married couples have, in fact.

In mandating that the state legislature grant gay couples all the rights of marriage but letting the legislature choose what to call this package of rights, the New Jersey Supreme Court has become the first state high court to follow Vermont’s lead. Anyone interested in what happens next in New Jersey should read a great book about how the legislative and statewide debate played out in Vermont in 1999-2000: Civil Wars: The Battle for Gay Marriage, by David Moats. After the Vermont Supreme Court’s decision mandating equal rights, it was not a foregone conclusion that the state legislature would grant only civil unions. It might well have granted marriage, and there was a substantive, emotional debate over whether it would do so. It’s likely that a similar debate will now happen in New Jersey. As the court writes, “Plaintiffs’ quest does not end here. Their next appeal must be to their fellow citizens whose voices are heard through their popularly elected representatives.”

Much has changed in seven years. Civil unions were a radical idea then, but they have since become the moderate position. Even President Bush supports letting states create civil unions (although he wouldn’t endorse them were he still a governor). A CBS poll almost two years ago found that 57% of people supported either marriage or civil unions, while 41% opposed any such recognition. That was in Feburary 2005, and the numbers have likely increased since then; (or at any rate have not likely decreased).

What’s amazing about this decision is that all seven of the justices supported, at the very least, equal marriage rights, no matter the name. That was unanimous. Four justices said the name should be left up to the legislature; three said this was not enough and that the court should have granted marriage, including the departing chief justice, Deborah Poritz. That’s even more judicial support than equal rights received in the high courts of Vermont or Massachusetts. [Correction: the Vermont vote was 4-1, with the 1 in favor of full marriage.] That is absolutely wonderful. Of course, it helps that New Jersey already had a Law Against Discrimination that banned discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation, among other characteristics. That was the key to this decision. New Jersey has long been in the forefront of protecting gay rights.

It’s more than that, though. As Chief Justice Poritz wrote, significantly: “the majority is able to conclude that no interest has been advanced by the State to support denying the rights and benefits of marriage to same-sex couples.”

Here are some quotes from the majority opinion:

[W]e must be careful not to impose our personal value system on eight-and-one-half million people, thus bypassing the democratic process as the primary means of effecting social change in this State. That being said, this Court will never abandon its responsibility to protect the fundamental rights of all of our citizens, even the most alienated and disfavored, no matter how strong the winds of popular opinion may blow.

On the rights of children:

Disparate treatment of committed same-sex couples, moreover, directly disadvantages their children…. There is something distinctly unfair about the State recognizing the right of same-sex couples to raise natural and adopted children and placing foster children with those couples, and yet denying those children the financial and social benefits and privileges available to children in heterosexual households. Five of the seven plaintiff couples are raising or have raised children. There is no rational basis for visiting on those children a flawed and unfair scheme directed at their parents. To the extent that families are strengthened by encouraging monogamous relationships, whether heterosexual or homosexual, we cannot discern any public need that would justify the legal disabilities that now afflict same-sex domestic partnerships.

On marriage vs. civil unions:

Raised here is the perplexing question — “what’s in a name?” — and is a name itself of constitutional magnitude after the State is required to provide full statutory rights and benefits to same-sex couples? We are mindful that in the cultural clash over same-sex marriage, the word marriage itself — independent of the rights and benefits of marriage — has an evocative and important meaning to both parties. Under our equal protection jurisprudence, however, plaintiffs’ claimed right to the name of marriage is surely not the same now that equal rights and benefits must be conferred on committed same-sex couples.

On the Legislature:

The Legislature is free to break from the historical traditions that have limited the definition of marriage to heterosexual couples or to frame a civil union style structure, as Vermont and Connecticut have done.

On the future:

New language is developing to describe new social and familial relationships, and in time will find its place in our common vocabulary. Through a better understanding of those new relationships and acceptance forged in the democratic process, rather than by judicial fiat, the proper labels will take hold. However the Legislature may act, same-sex couples will be free to call their relationships by the name they choose and to sanctify their relationships in religious ceremonies in houses of worship.

So, as of Wednesday, April 25, 2007, you will be able to drive through a long stretch of territory from the southern tip of New Jersey near Delaware, up through New Jersey, and (with the glaring exception of a few minutes passing through Manhattan or driving up and over the Tappan Zee Bridge), up through Connecticut, Massachussets, and Vermont, all the way up to the Candian border, where Americans live in states that grant their relationships full equality.

It’s disappointing that the court, by one vote, declined to call it marriage. As the Chief Justice wrote in her concurrence/dissent, “We must not underestimate the power of language. Labels set people apart as surely as physical separation on a bus or in school facilities. Labels are used to perpetuate prejudice about differences that, in this case, are embedded in the law.” The majority did not convincingly explain, in fact barely explained, why interracial couples in Loving deserved the word “marriage” but gay couples today do not. (One wonders if interracial couples would have been limited to entering “civil unions” if the concept existed 40 years ago.)

The power now lies with the legislature. Supporters now have to convince the legislature that gay couples deserve to have their relationships legally defined as marriages. Six months of debate lie ahead.

Still, the importance of this decision should not be understated. Gay couples in New Jersey will now have solid, tangible equal rights and legal protections for their relationships. Equal rights for gay couples.

Outstanding.

Star-Ledger

Star-Ledger: Supreme Court backs civil unions, but not same-sex marriage.

The high court adopted an approach similar to that taken by the Vermont Supreme Court in 1999, which ruled lawmakers can reserve the term “marriage” for the union of one man and one woman, but must grant all couples equal legal protections. Vermont lawmakers responded by allowing same-sex couples to form “civil unions.”

Even so, today’s ruling exponentially increases the legal benefits available to same-sex couples who formalize their unions. A 2004 law allowing same-sex couples to form “domestic partnerships” gave them only a fraction of the more than 800 rights conferred by marriage, albeit some of the most important ones.

Lewis Unlikely This Week

NJ Gay Marriage Ruling Unlikely This Week | 365gay.com

[Chief Justice Deborah Poritz’s] last day on the bench will be Wednesday and both supporters and opponents of gay marriage have said they believe the ruling would be issued before then.

But the court Tuesday on its Web site said that no rulings are expected on Wednesday. That also makes it unlikely any decision will be issued this week.

Some legal analysts now suggest the court will not deliver a ruling before next month’s election out of concerns it could influence, one way or another, the outcome. They point to the ruling on same-sex marriage handed down in Massachusetts which came more than a week after the 2004 election.

If true, this would be a relief. No need to give Republicans a cudgel right now.