Tag Archives: sotomayor

Greenwald on Alito

Posted on by

Glenn Greenwald criticizes Alito’s conduct:

The Justices are seated at the very front of the chamber, and it was predictable in the extreme that the cameras would focus on them as Obama condemned their ruling. Seriously: what kind of an adult is incapable of restraining himself from visible gestures and verbal outbursts in the middle of someone’s speech, no matter how strongly one disagrees — let alone a robe-wearing Supreme Court Justice sitting in the U.S. Congress in the middle of a President’s State of the Union address? Recall all of the lip-pursed worrying from The New Republic‘s Jeffrey Rosen and his secret, nameless friends over the so-called “judicial temperament” of Sonia Sotomayor. Alito’s conduct is the precise antithesis of what “judicial temperament” is supposed to produce.

SCOTUS: No Cameras in Prop 8 Trial

Posted on by

“Irreparable harm.”

Nobody expected the U.S. Supreme Court to get involved in the Prop 8 case so soon, but a couple of hours ago, the Court issued an order preventing the broadcast of the Prop 8 trial to five federal courthouses across the country after being asked to do so a few days ago by the pro-Prop 8 lawyers. The order doesn’t address whether the trial can be broadcast on the internet, because that issue is still being worked out at the lower level (“the technical staff encountered some unexpected difficulties preparing a satisfactory video suitable for on-line posting”).

This whole case has so many people on edge — me included — that anything the Supreme Court says about it, even on a supposedly tangential issue like cameras in the courtroom, is being given talmudic scrutiny.

What worries me is the makeup of the justices in this decision. It just so happens that the five justices who voted to bar cameras in this case — and therefore agreed with the pro-Prop 8 lawyers — are Roberts, Scalia, Thomas, Alito, and Kennedy, and that the four justices who dissented are Stevens, Ginsburg, Breyer, and Sotomayor. This is exactly the lineup a decision on the merits could have, with the possible exception of Kennedy.

The thing is, I tend to agree more with the majority here, that the lower court probably didn’t follow proper procedure in allowing cameras in this case. But I could be persuaded that the minority is right as well. This really isn’t an emotionally charged issue — except for the fact that it happens to involve a trial about Prop 8.

And the fact that the trial is about Prop 8 is relevant. The majority opinion, which is unsigned, isn’t just about proper procedure; it also endorses the claims raised by the pro-Prop 8 lawyers that some pro-Prop 8 people have been harrassed, even physically, and says that there could be “irreparable harm” in letting cameras in.

Never mind the fact that we’re not even talking about broadcasting the trial on the internet — we’re just talking about broadcasting the trial in five federal courthouses.

So, is this an attempt to paint pro-gay-rights people as crazy harrassers? What about the people who get gay bashed? What about kids who get driven to suicide because their classmates taunt them for being gay or even just for being effeminate? Granted, the anti-Prop-8 people apparently didn’t bring that up in their arguments. But in citing “irreparable harm,” the majority opinion seems a little too sympathetic to the anti-gay side here. And again, that worries me.

So “irreparable harm” rears its ugly head again. It’s a valid legal concept, and there’s nothing inherently wrong with it. But I can’t help but remember that it came up in Bush v. Gore, too. There, Justice Scalia said — in an example of great chutzpah: “The counting of votes that are of questionable legality does in my view threaten irreparable harm to petitioner Bush, and to the country, by casting a cloud upon what he claims to be the legitimacy of his election.”

I really hope this procedural order isn’t a portent of how the case turns out.

New Yorker on Marriage Equality Lawsuit

Posted on by

The New Yorker has a terrific article by Margaret Talbot on the marriage equality case, Perry v. Schwarzenegger, that began yesterday in San Francisco. It has pretty much everything you need to know about the case from soup to nuts.

I have to admit that while I was very leery of this lawsuit and thought it was a terrible idea, the more I read and think about it the more excited I am. It feels good to be going on the offensive. Ted Olson may be a Dark Lord, but in this case he’s our Dark Lord. By which I mean that he’s a top-notch lawyer, and it’s great that he’s finally using his powers for good. If there’s going to be a marriage equality case before the Supreme Court, we couldn’t have stronger legal representation.

And yes, it’s possible that the case will wind up in the Supreme Court and that we will lose. On our side: Ginsburg, Breyer, hopefully Sotomayor, and hopefully whoever replaces Stevens after he likely retires this summer. On the other side: Scalia, Thomas, Roberts, Alito. In the middle: Anthony Kennedy, who wrote Romer and Lawrence and therefore would seem to be on our side, but you never know, especially since it would be a really big deal for the Court to overturn the laws of 39 states. Some say that if we lose, it will set gay rights back for years. On the other hand, what do we really have to lose? And if not now, when? Roberts, Alito and Thomas are all young, and Scalia could be on the Court for another 10-15 years. The makeup of the Court isn’t going to change in our favor anytime soon.

More importantly, this case is a great teaching moment. From the list of witnesses that Ted Olson and David Boies have put together, it looks like the case will touch on everything from marriage to discrimination to child-rearing to children’s education to so-called “conversion therapy.” Despite the ballot initiatives and the state legislatures that keep going against us, the more we discuss marriage equality, the more the public gets on our side.

On the other hand, if the Supreme Court rules in our favor, it could give fuel to the movement to pass the Federal Marriage Amendment. But you know what? I can’t see 67 U.S. senators voting to enshrine discrimination in the Constitution. And I’m tired of worrying about what our opponents are going to do if we fight for our rights. We’ve been timid for too long. What happens, happens.

Interestingly, there’s another federal marriage equality case going on right now, Gill v. Office of Personnel Management, which seeks not to overturn state laws against marriage equality but rather to overturn part of the Defense of Marriage Act. Gill seeks to force the federal government to recognize same-sex marriages that were validly performed in a state that recognizes them. Normally, if, say, Massachusetts allows a marriage to take place, the federal government doesn’t second-guess Massachusetts and refuse to recognize that marriage. Why should it be any different in the case of same-sex couples? This is what the Gill plaintiffs argue, and in a sense it’s a more palatable case, because it seeks not to overturn state laws but rather to strengthen them. It’s not clear which case will get to the Supreme Court first, Gill or Perry.

In the meantime — still waiting for Obama to stop discharging U.S. soldiers for being gay, and for Congress to repeal Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell.

Damn, I’m tired of waiting.

Sotomayor

Posted on by

This is a busy day for legal topics I’m interested in: the U.S. Supreme Court and gay rights law. Within the course of several hours we had the Sotomayor nomination and the California Supreme Court’s decision on Prop 8.

First, Sotomayor. She seems like a decent enough pick for the Court, but beyond her life story and the Jeff Rosen hack job on her, I don’t know much about her. I was hoping for a fierce liberal advocate to counter Scalia — I would have loved to see Obama pick Pam Karlan. Will Sotomayor be that fierce liberal advocate? Maybe, maybe not; I don’t know. You can read summaries of her past appellate rulings here. At any rate, it’s sure to be an interesting confirmation process.

As for the Prop 8 decision: no real surprise. The court upheld Prop 8 but kept the existing same-sex marriages intact. This is an incredibly long opinion — the main opinion alone is 135 pages — and I haven’t had a chance to read much of it. But the decision is ridiculous for the simple reason that it allows a majority of a population to strip a minority of equal protection of the laws. As the sole dissenting justice wrote today:

The equal protection clause is… by its nature, inherently countermajoritarian. As a logical matter, it cannot depend on the will of the majority for its enforcement, for it is the will of the majority against which the equal protection clause is designed to protect.

This case is really about whether a particular method to change the California Constitution is itself a violation the California Constitution. I’ve skimmed the decision and it seems to spend a lot of ink on the difference between a constitutional “revision” (which requires the legislature’s imprimatur) and a constitutional “amendment” (which does not), but it doesn’t really matter, because whatever you call it, changing a constitution is supposed to be difficult. As I wrote last year, it should take more than a simple majority to change a constitution. The whole point of a constitution is to have a restraint on day-to-day political passions. A constitution is supposed to be higher than ordinary law and therefore harder to amend. If it’s no different to pass a constitutional amendment than to enact a popular initiative, then you have mob rule. If not for decisions by the United States Supreme Court that found race and sex discrimination to be violations of the U.S. Constitution — which outranks the California Constitution — then it would be possible for the general population of California to enshrine constitutional discrimination against blacks and women today. The process for amending the California Constitution is nonsensical.

Our founders didn’t believe in direct democracy; they believed in representative government. They believed in the wisdom of having a particular group of people, chosen by the populace, to legislate and act in their best interests. They believed that this political class had “virtue,” an amorphous concept that I don’t think really exists, but put virtue aside and the point remains that legislators are usually smarter and more thoughtful than the populace at large. (There are exceptions, of course, such as Michelle Bachman.) The stupidly simple California amendment process flies in the face of the constitutional and political theories in which our founders believed.

Nevertheless, although this decision is a big disappointment for supporters of gay rights, I find myself not too concerned in the long run. Constitutional jujitsu is possible here: since it’s so easy to amend the state constitution, all you need is a simple majority to overturn Prop 8. The vote in November was close, 52% to 48%. Attitudes continue to change, and at some point — hopefully soon — a majority of Californians will support same-sex marriage rights, and Prop 8 will lie in the dustbin of history.